by S. Swea
On the 18th of July 2020, the Free Youth movement organized an enormous rally of around 2,500 protestors, most of whom were students, at the Democracy Monument in Bangkok, Thailand. This was the largest political demonstration in the country in many years. Months later, Bangkok continues to be rocked by protests calling for the dissolution of Parliament, the resignation of the Prime Minister, and revision of the Constitution. What sort of future are these young people fighting for?
Who is behind the rallies, and what do they want?
Seemingly all around the world, contemporary social and political movements have this in common: enthusiastic and proactive participation by school-age youths. In Bangkok, an overwhelming majority of the protests are fronted by students. Such participants are recognized by the Thai government as members of the “bad student movement”—a rather reductive term for the highly impassioned young people fighting for their freedoms and fundamental rights even at the risk of their own safety. Cognizant of their roles in demanding and enacting change, young people in Bangkok have been taking a stand against their government as early as February.
Primarily, what these students want is greater freedom of expression and a fairer curriculum. The Thai school system has long been thought oppressively strict, with an ultra-conservative climate that restricts expression whether in opinion or dress. Its curriculum is carefully curated to portray the monarchy in the best possible light, though many have pointed out that this is not always the most representative. The military also wields a heavy influence in the lives of schoolchildren. Part of the pro-democracy protest movement stemmed from a student pushback against these conditions.
From the beginning of this year—and well before that, though it is only recently that the protests have become significantly “disruptive” enough that the government has taken notice—the Bangkok protestors were demanding reforms in education. The scope of their agenda has extended since to include rights and protections for the LGBTQ+ community (see: Seri Thoey, an activist group calling for the legalization of same-sex marriage), gender equality, relaxation of censorship, and a fairer, more democratic government and Constitution. These protestors may be young, but they’re already proving their mettle: organizing large demonstrations despite the lack of centralized organization, online crowdfunding, using the “secret chat feature” of Telegram to communicate, etc.
They are not fighting alone. On the streets, students are supported by older activists, anti-royalists, and advocates for children’s welfare and rights, who have taken it upon themselves to protect young protestors while defending their right to political expression. Together, they make a formidable force for change in Thailand.
Why has the Thai government come under fire?
There are many explanations as to why the Thai people are unhappy with their government. Let’s break down one of the most recent, short-term triggers. In February, the Constitutional Court of Thailand dissolved the Forward Future Party (FFP), the third-largest political party in the nation. The FFP was founded in 2018 and had gained support very quickly for its pro-democracy, anti-corruption stances, particularly among younger sectors of the population. Student protests ensued almost immediately after the dissolution of this party, with many accusing the government of foiling the democratic process and seeking to cement the military’s control in Thailand.
This claim is not a baseless one. The current ruling party of Thailand is the right-wing, pro-military Palang Pracharath, or PPRP, headed presently by Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha. Chan-o-cha is a former army chief who led the 2014 coup that established the junta’s control over Thailand. In 2019, he was re-elected as Prime Minister without a majority of the people’s vote under circumstances that his opposition argues were rigged in his favor. To the people of Thailand, whether or not they view this fact favorably or not, PPRP has always been seen as a party in bed with the military. The wave of protests immediately following the dissolution of the FFP reflect national anxieties over ceding even more political power to the hands of these armed forces.
Where does the royal family come into this?
Criticism of the Thai government has not stopped at Prayuth Chan-o-cha or the PPRP. The pro-democracy movement is also demanding a reduction in the power of the Thai monarchy.
King Maha Vajiralongkorn, the current monarch of Thailand, is being criticized for several reasons. Firstly, he does not actually reside in Thailand but lives on tax money in Europe—a fact which has drawn the ire of many of his subjects. Additionally, in 2018, he transferred all royal assets into his personal control, giving him a net worth of billions that protestors call to be investigated. (The Thai royal family is presently considered to be the richest royal family in the world, which is troubling considering the country is the only member of the ASEAN bloc to have experienced not one, but multiple increases in poverty since 2000.) The king has also assumed control over several units within the military.
Despite the dissatisfaction by several sectors of the population with the monarchy, for the most part up until late this year, criticism of the crown has been mostly small-scale and disorganized. This is in large part due to the draconian lèse-majesté law in place which protects the Thai royal family, whereby a person can be sentenced to up to fifteen years in jail for criticizing any of its members. Its use was curtailed in 2017 at the directive of the king, but some believe it will soon be brought back. With the uptick in scale and popularity of the Bangkok protests, however (and by direct extension unpopularity of the government and monarchy), the Thai people have become bolder about challenging the authority of their king even at the cost of being prosecuted under lèse-majesté.
At the September rally in Bangkok, demonstrators placed a plaque near the royal palace showing the three-finger salute—the famous gesture from the Hunger Games franchise that has been in use since 2014 by anti-government protestors in Thailand. While the plaque was removed shortly after, the three-finger salute continues to be flashed at rallies decrying the government and monarchy. The salute was even shown to the Thai Queen on a motorcade. In addition to this, explosive and politically charged slogans conveyed through graffiti and signs go the extra mile to show the royal family exactly what the people think of them. A group of students even recently put on dinosaur costumes and danced to rap songs in mockery of the royal family. Such a thing would be unthinkable mere months ago—it is, even now, with royalists in Thailand bitterly declaiming it.
All in all, the Bangkok protests have marked a tenuous and truly unprecedented new era of relations between the Thai people and their monarchy.
What has been the Thai government’s response to the protests?
The initial response of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha’s government was, mostly, indifference. The Prime Minister has categorically refused to comply with the call for his resignation, whether from his opposition or the protestors. On the 15th of October, he declared a “severe” state of national emergency, prohibiting the gathering of more than four people at a time. Scores of activists and protest leaders were arrested, but many more continued to march. The emergency decree was eventually lifted on the 22nd of October.
In the second week of November, the clash between demonstrators and security forces turned violent. Police sprayed tear-gas as well as water containing corrosive agents and dyes at protestors using water cannons. Additionally, seven people were shot in several altercations between pro-democracy protestors and royalists. (Thai police have denied using live rounds or rubber bullets of their own. They also claim to have been using pure water with no chemical additives in the water cannons.)
In response to police tactics, the protestors have improvised, adapted, and overcome. The widely publicized “rubber duck revolution” is exactly what it sounds like—to avoid being tear-gassed or bombarded by water cannons, protestors carry giant inflatable pool ducks as shields. The humble duck has become quite a significant symbol in the protest movement, finding its way into many memes and meaningful works of art. A less adorable, but no less vividly colorful act of retaliation against police violence by protestors occurred on Wednesday just this week, where the Royal Thai Police Headquarters was defaced with buckets of paint. The demonstrators promised to return very soon.
Moving forward…
So far, the Thai government has made no material concessions to the protestors despite its promises to try and reach reconciliation. Parliament held a two-day session in early November discussing possible amendments to the Constitution where no satisfying resolution was reached. It also recently rejected a popular proposal by a group of activists for a more transparent government and democratic electoral process, both of which are key demands of the reform movement. Some believe these are all clear indicators of an established fact: that the Thai government has no intentions to actually “compromise” with those rallying against it.
Perhaps the largest fear protestors and civilians have been harboring throughout these months is of a coup. Royalists in the country have called repeatedly for the junta to step in and shut down the waves of anti-government and anti-monarchy protests. This would not be the first time that brute force would be used to put down sentiment for reform. On the 10th of November, the head of the Thai military assured media outlets that the chances of a coup were “below zero”, allaying these anxieties somewhat. Even so, the future is unclear for the protests in Thailand. The current stalemate is unlikely to last long given both the obstinacy of the government and the determination of the protestors.
Whatever the outcome of the Thai reform movement, the protestors will forever be known as pacesetters of our time. “People power” cannot come to be without zealous political participation from younger generations, as they are the ones who hold the most stake in the future of their countries. The fight for democracy goes on, with young people as always bearing the torch and marching ahead, supported by fighters who came before them.
Thailand: the world is watching.